This October marks the beginning of the midterm election season, a dangerous one at that. During election seasons, one can observe an almost religious fervor throughout the black political class to mobilize the black working class. The black political class, made up of the black bourgeoisie, is aided by professionals, retirees, black church leadership, and more well-to-do sections of the black working class in their efforts to mobilize the black vote. Some of this upper class ridicule anyone who chooses not to vote as enemies of the black population and place them at the lowest of the low, even on the level of coons. This religious fervor around voting has many characteristics of a cult, where the questioning of the institution of American elections is seen as anathema; a sin worthy only of excommunication.
The black voting cult has associated engagement within the American institution of elections with being pro-black, regardless of whether the candidates are pro-black or even defining what pro-black is. Voting appears as a religious event, which our fetishized fallen ancestors (whom many such people worship caricatures of, instead of understanding the actual politics and their position in history) fought a revolutionary struggle for, instead of it being seen as the small concession it was by the fractured white ruling class during Reconstruction and the Civil Rights movements, both of which faced severe restriction afterward. The voting fetish can sometimes be accompanied by revolutionary language and the invocation of great revolutionaries like Malcolm X, Assata Shakur, Fred Hampton, Nat Turner, etc.; combatants against the same system we are told to vote in.
This propaganda appears to have been quite effective. The Democratic Party and the black professional class within it have been quite successful in distilling revolutionary anger into apathy, which the black political class complains so much about. Black working-class anger, ideally for the black political class, gets funneled into worthless elections that don’t challenge class power or the subjected black nation’s colonized status. This explains why the black working class is less likely to engage in the institution, especially in midterms and local elections. Who in the black political class will put forward a program for national liberation and fight for their class interests? We will further expound on this question in later parts of the article series, but because the question has not been answered by the black political class, the black working class has decided not to engage. Lack of black voter engagement is especially true during midterms, though 2026 may be the exception.
This article series aims to ask and answer three questions: Why did the voting cult emerge, and why does the black professional class/black bourgeoisie push it so much? Is it a useful tactic or a failed strategy for black political power, and what is an alternative strategy? What is the definition of political power, and what should be the goals of a “pro-black” movement? Moving away from the voting cult is imperative if we are going to build true power for the internal colony of the historic black belt. Special focus should be placed on the black working class, the black 70 to 80 percent. The black working class has particular cultural needs and economic interests that all “pro-black” candidates should focus their efforts on. Anyone who claims to be “pro-black” in their speech, social media, etc., in the pursuit of political power within the American empire and does NOT put forward a platform toward black national liberation is a racial confusion-artist, or at best is confused themselves.
It is particularly liberal members of the activist class who have caused great confusion regarding voting. These people work in oligarch-funded NGOs that claim leadership of the black working class yet attempt to funnel us back into the Democratic Party bureaucracy. The activists who claim to work in support of the black working class are doing the masses of the internal black colony great harm in their religious zealotry regarding voting. A rational and cold analysis of the Civil Rights movement and the nature of the American empire is needed to understand what the vote is truly worth. Understanding voting as simply a tool, an increasingly ineffective one at that, and not something to be fetishized is important for a sound strategy for power. Of course, the definition of power is different depending on your system of analysis: black revolutionary nationalism or black liberalism.
Liberalism itself should be rejected for revolutionary nationalism for any black activist who claims to be “pro-black”. The disease of liberalism is why the black masses are now in such a precarious political position. Liberalism brought the conditions for Trump-Rubio-Miller style white nationalism, and it will bring disaster for the black colony as the contradictions within the American Empire demand a new resolution. Liberalism brought the black upper class into power within the Democratic Party during the 60s. Now their class is fragmented, and their political-economic position is in question. This weakness of the black upper class is one reason why they center voting to the point of worship. We will examine this historical weakness and contemporary weakness in later articles.
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Bernell